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A este tipo de funciones, se las conoce como funciones definidas por el usuario. La sintaxis que define a este tipo de procedimiento es la siguiente: [Private Public Friend] [Static] Function nombre [ lista de argumentos ] [ As tipo ] [Instrucciones] [Exit Function] [Instrucciones] End Function www. Cuando una variable se pasa a un procedimiento, esta recibe el nombre de argumento. Solo tenemos que seguir cada uno de los pasos indicados. Los elementos de un vector se almacenan en posiciones contiguas de memoria, a cada una de las cuales se puede acceder directamente.
UDT Las UDT variables definidas por el usuario se asemejan a las matrices multidimensionales en las que se pueden almacenar valores relacionados mediante un nombre de variable. Pero debemos saber que las UDT se construyen a partir de diferentes tipos de datos, y las matrices deben contener el mismo tipo. En cambio, si especificamos www. Por www. Aprendimos a declarar las variables y a definir el tipo de variables adecuado.
Asimismo, VBA tiene funciones integradas que podemos usar dentro de las subrutinas. La distancia se expresa en twips. Figura 6. El argumento buttons El argumento buttons nos permite mostrar distintos cuadros de mensajes de acuerdo con el valor que tome este argumento. Valores que puede tomar el argumento buttons. Este mensaje no se puede cancelar con la tecla ESC. Las dos posibilidades generan el mismo mensaje. Otros valores que puede tomar el argumento buttons. Opciones que nos permiten establecer la modalidad de un MsgBox.
Tabla 5. Hemos configurado un cuadro de mensaje cuyo texto se encuentra alineado a la derecha. Opciones que nos permiten establecer el valor de retorno de un MsgBox. El tipo de dato determina la naturaleza del conjunto de valores que toma una variable. Debemos tener en cuenta que no todos los tipos de datos se pueden convertir a cualquier otro tipo de datos. Su sintaxis es CBool argumento. Un valor booleano puede ser Verdadero o Falso.
Su sintaxis es CCur argumento. Este ejemplo devuelve Su sintaxis es CDate argumento. CDate Su sintaxis es CDbl argumento.
Su sintaxis es CDec argumento. CDec Su sintaxis es CInt argumento. CInt Los valores iguales o mayores a 0,5 se redondean hacia arriba, y los valores menores a 0,5 se redondean hacia abajo. Su sintaxis es CLng argumento. CLng Su sintaxis es CSng argumento. Su sintaxis es CStr argumento. Su sintaxis es CVar argumento.
Su sintaxis es Val argumento. Estas funciones prueban el valor para ver si se trata de un tipo especificado. Por ejemplo, el siguiente procedimiento comprueba si el contenido de la celda A2 es una fecha. Si lo es, devuelve Verdadero en la celda C2, en caso contrario devuelve Falso.
Por ejemplo, el contenido de A3. Para restablecer una variable Variant como Empty, se le debe asignar la palabra clave Empty. Este objeto contiene todas las funciones de Microsoft Excel que podemos llamar desde los procedimientos de VBA. Para solucionar esta pseudoaleatoriedad, se debe cambiar la semilla que se usa como base www.
Su sintaxis es Asc cadena. Su sintaxis es Chr cadena. Su sintaxis es Len cadena. Su tipo es Log. Su sintaxis es LTrim cadena. Su sintaxis es Trim cadena. Trim x Figura Las funciones LTrim, RTrim y Trim devuelven un tipo string que contiene la copia de una cadena determinada a la que se le han eliminado los espacios en blanco.
Su sintaxis es UCase cadena. Su sintaxis es LCase cadena. Cuando termina las operaciones, el ciclo del programa vuelve a la secuencia normal. Se obtiene del cociente entre la suma de los productos de cada dato por su peso y la suma de los pesos. Usamos If Vamos a realizar un procedimiento que le solicite al usuario que ingrese tres notas de los cursos que ha realizado un alumno.
Para estas situaciones, podemos emplear la estructura Select Case. Es decir, permitiendo tomar decisiones y realizar un proceso repetidas veces. But the young Europeans that are taking to the streets, and are doing so in growing numbers and in more and more cities across Europe, will be in the prime of their adult life in I welcome their engagement — they have the biggest stake in the fight against climate change.
We must embark in a process of transformation with a much greater sense of urgency than I see today. We have a little time left to stabilise climate change and fulfil the goals of the Paris Agreement.
We have not yet run out of time, but we cannot afford to hesitate anymore. The actions and the words of these young Europeans are a precious spur to action now, and we have a duty to act. We have sketched out how this can be done and presented a solid analysis of why and how Europe can achieve climate neutrality; why this model can be replicated by other countries in the world; how climate neutrality, economic prosperity and social fairness can and must go together.
We must listen to what the very great majority of Europeans — and especially our future generations — are telling us. We must agree on the objective of a climate neutral, prosperous and fair Europe in , and on that basis, take the measures and actions that we know can make it happen. Ich finde aber, in der Politik brauchen wir Visionen, und gerade in der Europapolitik brauchen wir Visionen. Und das Gute an dieser Vision ist, dass sie durch Fakten und Szenarien untermauert ist.
Die Aussage der Kommission ist klar. Der Rat muss dieses Szenario annehmen, und das wird sicherlich sehr viel schwieriger als hier im Parlament. Planungssicherheit ist auch ein wichtiges Gut. Deswegen glaube ich, wir haben einen guten Kompromiss gefunden in den Verhandlungen zwischen den Fraktionen, und wir sollten den morgen durchtragen.
Mir ist es wichtig, dass wir da auch mit den Unternehmen in einen Dialog kommen. Ich glaube, dann geben wir das richtige Signal. We welcome them because they are great and they are the representatives of the Youth For Climate movement. This is a social revolution that has now started everywhere and we the politicians, we the parliamentarians, have to be part of that. This is my firm conviction. One element more: I think they should be here in our place today and talk to us.
They should come forward with their demands, they should question us and we should be giving answers. Indeed this was also the idea of some Groups, to invite them to speak today, but unfortunately it was not possible to have a majority for that in the Conference of Presidents. I regret very much that Conservatives, Liberals and the far right denied us this chance for an open debate today.
Unfortunately, they blocked an open discussion with the young people who are going on the streets each week. Perhaps we can do better sometime.
We wanted to know what indeed they are longing for and the answer was completely clear. It was a call to action. And yes, the young people are right because they want to have a life without fear, a perspective for themselves and their future families, and a life without devastation. Wir nehmen das sehr ernst. Das muss unser Programm sein. Wenn Ihr alle entschieden seid, dann machen wir das im neuen Mandat. Und den jungen Leuten: Keep on fighting! We are with you!
I am sure the vast majority of us would support it, and had it been brought to the attention of the Bureau I would definitively have supported it. And are we fully aware of that and do we act accordingly? The EU will by far miss its own objectives on the biodiversity strategy but neither the Commission nor the Council have taken any measures in order to turn the tide. But then climate — yes, we have legislation in place, and yes, we do increase the part of the EU budget dedicated to climate change, but is that sufficient?
That is something that is absolutely clear. As we say in the Netherlands, it is mopping up with the tap open. We will only succeed if all investments are green and that is the way forward. Today, the future generation is sitting there.
We only have a limited amount of time. They want action. They want politicians to act. And sorry, Commissioner, sorry, Council, you were only talking about We are talking about action that needs to be done. As one of the slogans says: if climate had been a bank, it would have been safe by now. Last Sunday in Amsterdam, 40 people on the street; in Brussels two times 70 people; people on the streets asking for more action.
That is a social movement, a social movement that we should not let down. They are calling on Europe to do more. And if you want to talk about the future of Europe, this is about the future of Europe. The future of Europe is green jobs and that is another comment to my dear colleague Peter Liese.
When you are talking about future jobs you should talk about the green transition. Other regions in the world are moving, are investing — look at California, but also look at the solar investments in India. Look at the electric transportation in China. They are moving. We really need to step up. Tomorrow is our first vote for higher targets. There are some in this Chamber who are more upset that young people would strike from school than they are about the fact that we have 12 years left to sort this mess out.
Our Paris Agreement targets are already behind the science. Two degrees is no longer adequate. Rapid, far-reaching and unprecedented change is what is required. Rapid, far-reaching and unprecedented is not what we are offering in this joint resolution. It goes nowhere near far enough to setting out what we need to do.
Io purtroppo non credo. Alors que faire? But when we speak to young people we have to put things straight on the table. To say that there has been no action from the Commission on climate change during these past five years is simply not fair.
In these five years more has happened on climate action than ever. We agreed in Paris the first binding international climate treaty and the European Union was instrumental in delivering that agreement, leading the high-ambition coalition. The first point is that we have an agreement which establishes the objectives needed to stop climate change. We have delivered all the necessary legislation, with the support of this House, which has raised the level of ambition, for sure, and I thank all the Members of the parliamentary political groups for having raised ambition levels in relation to renewables, energy efficiency, sustainable mobility, and CO2 targets for cars and light vans, and for heavy-duty vehicles.
Good work. A good job done. We are on track. And the Commission framework for has review clauses. Action will be enhanced, but to enhance action you need a sense of direction of travel. Young people are saying that they want fast action and ambition. What the Commission has proposed in this communication is that we will become climate neutral by The International Panel on Climate Change says that climate neutrality globally will have to be achieved by , and developed countries have a responsibility to act faster, I fully agree.
But now we are in a situation where we have legislation and we have review clauses. It is not enough, and the next Parliament and the next Commission, have a huge responsibility.
If we have that objective, the next Commission will have to raise the level of ambition beforehand. That is the exercise in which we are engaged here. I expect there to be a huge debate in the campaign for the European elections — and that young people, industry and workers will be listened to, because this has to be a fair, social transition.
We cannot fight climate change when there are so many people unemployed. It is impossible. We need the involvement of citizens in order to change behaviour patterns, to have electric mobility accepted, and to change the way we are using resources.
And that is a revolution. I am conscious that what the Commission has proposed is very ambitious. It touches all sectors of the economy. It requires structural changes that are bigger than those of the industrial revolution.
It has to have the support of all our citizens. So now we have the opportunity to answer the demands of the young people, and the European Council has to endorse ambitious trajectories that will be the guidelines for the policies that the next Commission and the next Parliament will have to agree.
In the street, people are making demands, but we have to answer our young people, the workers in the automotive industries, the workers in the steel industry, the workers in the coalmines, in order to engineer a fair and social transition. The energy transition, fighting climate change, will be achieved with success if nobody is left behind — and that is our responsibility during the campaign, after the campaign and in the future.
I note that, in general, Parliament and the Council share many of the same aspirations and the same concerns on this topic. The EU has long been a front-runner on climate action and it should continue to lead by example. Under the Romanian Presidency, the Council will continue its work on all aspects of the vision presented by the Commission, with a view to providing clear, coherent and focused inputs to facilitate further discussion.
Written statements Rule Satuimme majailemaan samassa hotellissa. Olimme molemmat iloisia toistemme tapaamisesta. Denn der Klimawandel macht nicht an der Grenze Halt. Die EU muss Klimaschutz-Superpower werden. Let me start with the economy. Leaders will discuss the current economic situation and will set priorities for the European semester. The European Council will also endorse the euro area recommendation.
Europe, like the rest of the world, faces the systemic changes brought about by such issues as digital transformation, the rise of the data economy and the transition to a greener economy. Harnessing these opportunities will be key to our future prosperity. To strengthen our economic base, we need to make sure that our different policies, whether digital, industrial, single market or trade policies, are mobilised in unison to meet these challenges and advance the strategic interests of the Union.
The European Council will hold a cross—cutting and forward—looking discussion on the issues. Another critical issue is climate change, which we have just discussed in this session. As was noted in this debate, we, as a Union, need to help raise global ambition and continue to lead the way on climate action.
This means implementing the current framework, but also engaging in the long—term transition to a climate-friendly future. We know that we need to provide the right incentive for this transformation and we will have to make sure that we leave no one behind, taking into account regional specificities and different socio-economic circumstances. The European Council will discuss the issue and provide guidance for further work in the Council.
China is a key global player in all these issues. Leaders will have an in-depth exchange of views on our relations with China in preparation for the upcoming EU-China summit. Finally, a cornerstone of our democracies is that citizens should be able to vote in a well-informed and safe manner. Ahead of the European elections, the Presidency will report on the latest developments to protect the democratic process from manipulation and interference from inside and outside the EU.
Leaders will also be informed of ongoing efforts to tackle disinformation more broadly, following the joint action plan presented last December by the Commission and the High Representative.
Next week, the European Council will also meet in its Article 50 format to discuss the latest developments regarding Brexit. To be, or not to be, a member of the European Union, to exist or not to exist — this is the question that the British Parliament should address as we speak. Unfortunately, we are not dealing with theatre, but with the real lives and jobs of EU and UK citizens.
At this very late stage, we are still determined to facilitate the conclusions of the Withdrawal Agreement provisionally agreed last year. However, this should not be to the detriment of solidarity among Member States, especially as regards Ireland.
To be frank, given the additional assurances we provided in December and January, and on Monday, it is difficult to see what more we can do. These clarifications should not, however, contradict the very intention of the backstop, but only confirm that it is indeed intended to be of a temporary nature.
On the EU side, we are as advanced as possible regarding the conclusion of the Withdrawal Agreement, on which I understand the consent of the European Parliament could be given in a matter of days, should all the clarity needed on the UK side be provided.
It is, however, very likely that even if the British Parliament were to vote in favour of the Withdrawal Agreement in the coming days, this would have to be accompanied by a request for a technical, time-limited extension. This would mean amending the Agreement and possibly delaying the consent process, as this extension would have to be agreed by the upcoming European Council.
When considering such a request, we would expect a credible justification for a possible extension and its duration. However, I am confident that our institutions will be able to complete this process in good time and consequently ensure the timely entry into force of the agreement. As I said before, we remain open for talks, as long as there is an end in sight and a purpose to these talks, which means that the UK Government and the British Parliament have to come out with a clear sense of direction as to where there is a majority and of timing as to when it will materialise.
In the meantime, the only certainty we have is increased uncertainty for citizens and for businesses, with a clear economic impact in terms of levels of activity, investment and, more importantly, jobs.
It is therefore all the more necessary to continue our preparations for all outcomes, including a no-deal scenario. In this context, the Council and the Member States at national level are intensifying their work on preparedness and contingency, building on the solid work already underway. I am very much encouraged by the large number of contingency and preparedness—related measures that our institutions have been able to agree, in spite of the heavy workload at this late stage of the mandate.
After another vote in the House of Commons, the withdrawal agreement has been voted down. Regardless of the extra clarifications given, regardless of the tremendous effort by Michel Barnier and Jean-Claude Juncker to help Theresa May clarify the issues, still the withdrawal agreement was voted down.
So again, today, we will be waiting for the next vote in the House of Commons, because the only ones who can give us any direction on where we need to go from here are the Members of Parliament in the United Kingdom. I believe that this House and the Commission remain on the same line — seeking to do as little harm as possible to Europeans, whether they live in the United Kingdom or on the continent.
This is our duty: to think about our citizens, to think about our enterprises, to think about our interests, broadly, on both sides of the Channel. I say this because what we have tried to do — what, mainly, Michel Barnier has tried to do — is to make sure that the red lines put on the table by the British Government, and the need for us to avoid a hard border on the island of Ireland and to maintain the integrity of the internal market, are brought together.
And I do not see any better solution than the withdrawal agreement with all the clarifications given. So now, this is where we are. Of course, we will remain in this position of wanting to do as little harm as possible in a very harmful process — because Brexit is very harmful, to the United Kingdom and to the European Union.
But it is our duty, on the basis of a vote by the British people, to work towards a Brexit that does as little harm as possible. This position will not change.
Today, however, we are in the hands of the British political system. They should tell us where they want to go from here. And, of course, there are many other issues Europe has to deal with in the next couple of years, and that is why the European Council is also focusing on other issues. Industrial policy: our industry is strong and it is the engine of our economy. It employs 32 million people and accounts directly for more than two-thirds of our exports. It is one of the main reasons we have partners lining up at our door to secure free and fair trade agreements.
But we must do more. We want to see strong European companies, bolstered by fair competition at home, leading in the world and addressing major challenges such as climate change. In particular, we urge Member States to make the most of major common European projects that matter to all of us, for instance in strategic areas such as next-generation batteries to store clean energy, or the work on artificial intelligence.
Most importantly, we want to make sure that, as industry and technologies develop, we continue to defend our values because ultimately we are doing all of this in the interest, and for the wellbeing, of all Europeans.
That is why we are proposing action on work-life balance, equal pay for equal work in the same place and the European Labour Authority, to give but a few examples.
It is all part and parcel of our consistent effort to make our single market of million informed consumers and thriving businesses deeper and fairer. Unsere Botschaft ist: Europa bleibt offen. Aber wir sind nicht naiv. Aber wir stehen erst am Anfang, es gibt noch viel zu tun.
Je voudrais que ce soit bien compris. Je pense pourtant que ces garanties, ces explications, dont nous sommes convenus lundi soir avec le soutien du gouvernement britannique, sont significatives. Nous ne pouvons pas aller plus loin. We remain respectful of the UK and its people. We remain determined, calm and united and we will remain respectful, calm, determined and united until the end of this extraordinary negotiation. That will remain the line of your negotiator.
I want to speak about an impression I got when I was in Porto recently and I spoke with young people who had been working for a few years in London. After the political problems and the economic problems in Portugal, they had left the country and had worked there, and then they came back to Portugal because they had so much uncertainty in Great Britain. They are enjoying life again in their home country. They spoke about their friends in Great Britain, and they told me how frustrated the young generation is in Great Britain, how helpless they feel and how angry they are about the failure of the whole political class in Great Britain.
A whole generation will suffer because of what is happening today in London. A whole generation has fewer chances for the future. A whole generation will not enjoy the same benefits as the previous generation had, and a whole generation is victim of the political failure of a political class in London. The first message is this. The second concerns what to do now. Preparation is needed for the worst-case scenario.
The second thing is that, if the political class fails and there is no majority possible in the UK parliament, the logical next step is to ask the people again. That is, from a democratic point of view, the logical next step.
The third option on the table is a debate about prolongation — but for what purpose? We need reasonable arguments for any kind of prolongation. Those are the three options on the table, but I want to add a further important element.
Firstly, the young generation; second, what to do; and the third element is a kind of a fireball. We are stable, we are strong, we are united. We have a clear opinion of we want to achieve and what we want to do. But there is a risk, in the next few weeks, that the political uncertainty in London could also infect the European decision-making process.
There is a risk of this, and we need to bear two aspects in mind. One is that, again and again, discussion in the European Council is mainly about Brexit, and not about China, not about trade or Trump, and not about the real issues which are important to the citizens of this European Union.
The second thing is that the European elections are ahead of us. We are all preparing the campaign, indeed a few of us are already in it, and what we have to clarify is that the European elections are a place and a moment where Europeans will decide about their future. For those in the European Union who believe in the project of the European Union, this development is certainly an important wake-up call.
Brexit was made by populism, by easy answers, and they cannot give us any kind of answer now as to how they want to deal with this Brexit outcome. That is why, for the European elections, we now need to form a strong coalition: a confirmation of partnership in Europe, a confirmation about the common basis for the future of this continent, a confirmation that we believe in the European project.
Franz Timmermans hat doch Recht. Wir haben zwei Jahrzehnte verloren. Diesen Wandel brauchen wir. Lasst uns uns ehrlich machen! Seid bereit dazu! Das ist die Antwort auf den Brexit — egal, was nun jetzt konkret passieren mag in diesen vielen technischen Details.
Der Brexit ist eine extrem kritische Situation geworden. Denn es ist ihre Zukunft und nicht nur die Zukunft der Parlamentarierinnen und Parlamentarier. Das muss auf die Tagesordnung gesetzt werden, das muss diskutiert werden. Der Gipfel sollte sich mit zwei wichtigen Themen befassen: mit dem Umstand, dass unsere Europawahlen frei und fair sind. Ich appelliere, hier mehr zu tun. Es reicht nicht aus, was bisher getan worden ist.
I think there is a better solution and that better solution is to keep Britain in the European Union. Let me tell you, please, how you can help do this. There are experts in this House who continually bash London.
Secondly, I think it is time that the Commission finally admits that they have some responsibility for Brexit. Britain was always in favour of subsidiarity, decentralisation and competitiveness, and Brussels has continuously violated these principles.
It is like a country joining a football club that then decided to play golf or hockey. So, finally, who has really left whom? Thirdly, from a business perspective, we have to recognise that Brexit is not only a disaster for Britain, it is also a disaster for the European Union.
So I think the Commission now has a historic chance to do something. Help the Remainers in Britain to go for a second referendum, and help the Brexiteers to change their mind so they can save their face.
I ask you not only to support, but to offer an extension to, Britain without any conditions. That is number one. Number two: offer them some more autonomy over controlling their own immigration. That would be the trick to get Britain successfully to organise a second referendum and to stay in the European Union. The European Union will never be complete without Britain. It is the opposite. I am sure that this young generation already exists in the UK and that they will take a decision other than that taken by this government and this majority.
But, Mr Henkel, may I ask you to tell this to your own friends in your own group, in the ECR, who are the main people in favour of a Brexit for the moment. Nobody is there. Secondly, the reality, Mr Henkel, is the following. That was the big slogan of the Brexiteers and it is still their big slogan. It seems to me that Britain is spinning out of control, instead of being back in control.
How you do you go about solving an existential problem like Brexit if it is used by both parties to kill each other? So our appeal, and yours, in this plenary has to be not to attack one or other of our colleagues but to say this to the British political class: start to make an agreement between the two big parties and start to have an opinion that we can support here in this Parliament, and that opinion will be for a close relationship between the UK and the EU.
That is the way forward. What is needed is that, in British politics, Queen and country should be put first, instead of the party politics that are governing the UK and the House of Commons for the moment.
And that brings me to the next question, of an extension. Why go beyond the European elections? If we do so, the European elections will be hijacked by the Brexiteers and by the whole Brexit issue. We will talk only about that, and not about the real problems and about the real reforms that we need in the European Union. For two reasons. First of all, he can continue to have a salary that he can transfer to his offshore company. And, secondly, he can continue to do his dirty work in the European Union: that is to try to destroy the European Union from within.
That is the real purpose. What we do need now is certainty from the House of Commons, from a majority in the House of Commons, as Mr Henkel has also asked for. That is what we need. I am against every extension, whether of a day, a week or even 24 hours, if it is not based on a clear opinion of the House of Commons on something so that we know they want. Is that less ambitious than the deal? If it is a customs union, it is a customs union.
If it is the deal, it is the deal. But, please, make up your mind in London because this uncertainty cannot continue, not for us, not for Britain, and certainly not for our citizens. Que nenni! Nous les attendons encore, les leaders.
Telle est notre ambition. Stattdessen sind wir wiederum damit konfrontiert, dass zum zweiten Mal das withdrawal agreement im britischen Unterhaus gescheitert ist. Das ist das Fazit. Wir stehen hier in der Pflicht. I have to say I think the gap now between our political class in the UK and public opinion is a gaping chasm because be in no doubt, public opinion is hardening.
We simply want to leave. That applies to many who voted remain as well — because they respect the very principle of democracy.
We want to govern ourselves. Add to that, as Mr Verhofstadt said, the European elections. Most of the preparations have been done. Even if there are a few short-term bumps in the road, we leave and both you and we can get on with the rest of our lives. That is the only neat solution ahead of us. Right from the start, the plan was to delay Brexit, impede Brexit and, finally, to overturn Brexit. The whole leaving process has been built on false arguments. The principal one being that we cannot leave without the mythical good deal.
Later today, Parliament will reject leaving on the so-called no deal option. On Thursday, it is likely to vote in favour of an extension of Article 50, but what for? In the UK, we have a government and a parliament that does not want to leave the European Union and it intends to betray the democratic decision of the referendum. Mr Timmermans said that only the UK Parliament can give direction in this matter.
But this is not so. The Council and Commission can give direction. When the Commons asks for an extension to Article 50 then you must reject it. Article 50 says that if no agreement is reached by 29 March then the Treaties automatically cease to apply.
Do yourselves a favour, do us a favour, and kick us out! Diane Dodds NI. I regret that sufficient progress has not been made in this respect. Without evidence of Brussels bad faith, the UK would have no internationally lawful means of exiting the backstop. My party has always been clear. We want an orderly exit from the EU and a Brexit deal that works for both the United Kingdom and the European Union, and indeed for our closest neighbours in the Republic of Ireland, but that agreement must respect the constitutional and economic integrity of Northern Ireland.
Can I also respond to a couple of things that have been raised from the floor. The House of Commons has already said that we should move to protect the rights of citizens in all eventualities. That is a challenge for this House to take up and to stop talking about.
Janusz Lewandowski PPE. It has been a big mistake not to try to bring all the forces in the House together in the interests of the country. Mr Henkel, you are wrong. As Michel Barnier said, the EU has always been a fair, transparent and constructive partner in this negotiation. We have done all we can to guarantee an orderly withdrawal of the UK that protects citizens.
We have a specific and particular responsibility to keep protecting all the European citizens in this process and to preserve the peace process in Northern Ireland.
We have also taken into account, of course, the UK Government red lines. Let me repeat this: this is the only withdrawal treaty that is possible and the only one that could command an approval in this House. First, we still trust the UK parliamentarians today to reject a no-deal Brexit. That would be catastrophic for the UK.
Second, we need a clear direction on how, concretely, to avoid the no deal scenario. We always said that a closer EU-UK relationship based on a customs union would not only benefit our economies, but would also solve many of the concerns associated with the backstop. It is time to stop party politics and to work constructively in the interests of citizens and the country and if this is not possible, it is clear that the only alternative is to give the people the chance to change the government or to say no to Brexit.
This is the debate we need to have, not the debate on the length of the extension. This, for us is clear: the extension is a tool and all the options are on the table as long as there is a clear political reason and perspective.
We will keep working constructively, openly and responsibly, including our UK citizens, who remain European citizens. So please, Mr Nicholson, do not let me down. You have one-and-a-half minutes. James Nicholson ECR. I have listened this morning with a heavy heart to what I have heard in this Chamber. I have listened to nothing positive, in fact it will all be negative. People are stuck in trenches, and nothing constructive is coming forward. Mr Timmermans said, so here we are, solutions must come from London.
Do you not think, Mr Timmermans, that you and Mr Juncker have a part to play as well, that you have got to find a solution also?
Ms Zimmer let the cat out of the bag: you will not annex Northern Ireland, Irish unity is not at stake here, even nationalist parties do not want a referendum on the border, they accept the Good Friday Agreement — put that all to bed. And can I say something to you, Mr Barnier?
You said that the responsibility lies solely with the UK. But what I say to you, sir, is that you also have a tremendous responsibility and it is not good enough for you to simply consult with people from Northern Ireland who tell you what you want to hear.
There is another voice in Northern Ireland, and you should be listening to that as well. We need to find another way, and we do need an extension on Article We need an extension to move forward and get a good deal: I personally and my party and the people that I represent, we want a good deal.
Can you say the same? I, like many of you, profoundly regret that the UK seems to have lost its way. Since , we have had our differences with the UK, sometimes influenced by history, by different perceptions and by fake news. As individual countries and a Union, through listening, consultation and protocols, our citizens were able to find a way forward, to work together and, despite what Mr Farage said, I believe that can still happen with the UK.
I also profoundly disagree with him when he speaks about snarling anger and bureaucratic intransigence. As always, he seeks to shift responsibility for a divided country onto the shoulders of others. I agree with Mr Michel Barnier. We have been — and we need to remain — patient, supportive and respectful, while remaining true to our principles and I thank him and his team for their loyal and dedicated work. Finally, I agree with Mr Gualtieri.
An extension is just a tool to find a way forward and all options still need to be explored. The concentration of wealth in London has got us into this mess and the concentration of power in Westminster is keeping us trapped in it now.
Democracy is the way forward. We must give people a final say on their future now that we are seeing the real facts. Things have changed. When events change, people change their minds. That is their right. A beautiful island, with white sandy beaches But there are a few special spots on the island to enjoy the sunset with the comfort of a good meal, a cocktail and some smooth music.
And this is why we are here. To give you the best spots to go to during your stay on our mesmerizing island. One of our top places for mesmerizing sunsets is Gili Lumbung. Whether you are with a group of friends or solo traveler, Gili Lumbung is the perfect spot to make new friends from around the world. The upbeat energy and the cocktail specials makes a perfect combo to enjoy pre-sunset and post-sunset vibes with some good buddies.
Melt in one of their bean bags, listen to live music, sip on a drink and enjoy the ride to a beautiful sunset spectacle. The exquisite panoramic view of Bali will take your breath away whilst the sun will be setting behind Mount Agung. If pink is your favourite colour then we definitely have the perfect place for you. For great food, amazing drinks or an Instagram worthy decor, visit Pink Coco. Appreciate a beautiful Gili Air sunset from their pool, or relax on their comfy outdoor lounge chairs.
And if you feel a little more adventurous, let yourself get taken away on their swings while watching the sun setting on Gili Meno. If you are looking for a more relaxed and laid back place, Mowies is for you.
You can be sure you will never be disappointed with what you order here. Let the relaxing island vibe take you away on the sound of lounge music. And feel transported to another world as the sunset goes down. Taking a walk under a pink and shiny sky during sunset time.
And better than cocktails and food on white sandy beaches.
Ventana principal de microsoft word 2013 y detallar sus partes free. Where are the Best Spots to Watch Sunsets on Gili Air
La sintaxis que define a este tipo de procedimiento es la siguiente: [Private Public Friend] [Static] Function nombre [ lista de argumentos ] [ As tipo ] [Instrucciones] [Exit Function] [Instrucciones] End Function www. Cuando una variable se pasa a un procedimiento, esta recibe el nombre de argumento.
Solo tenemos que seguir cada uno de los pasos indicados. Los elementos de un vector se almacenan en posiciones contiguas de memoria, a cada una de las cuales se puede acceder directamente.
UDT Las UDT variables definidas por el usuario se asemejan a las matrices multidimensionales en las que se pueden almacenar valores relacionados mediante un nombre de variable. Pero debemos saber que las UDT se construyen a partir de diferentes tipos de datos, y las matrices deben contener el mismo tipo.
En cambio, si especificamos www. Por www. Aprendimos a declarar las variables y a definir el tipo de variables adecuado. Asimismo, VBA tiene funciones integradas que podemos usar dentro de las subrutinas. La distancia se expresa en twips. Figura 6. El argumento buttons El argumento buttons nos permite mostrar distintos cuadros de mensajes de acuerdo con el valor que tome este argumento. Valores que puede tomar el argumento buttons. Este mensaje no se puede cancelar con la tecla ESC.
Las dos posibilidades generan el mismo mensaje. Otros valores que puede tomar el argumento buttons. Opciones que nos permiten establecer la modalidad de un MsgBox. Tabla 5. Hemos configurado un cuadro de mensaje cuyo texto se encuentra alineado a la derecha. Opciones que nos permiten establecer el valor de retorno de un MsgBox. El tipo de dato determina la naturaleza del conjunto de valores que toma una variable. Debemos tener en cuenta que no todos los tipos de datos se pueden convertir a cualquier otro tipo de datos.
Su sintaxis es CBool argumento. Un valor booleano puede ser Verdadero o Falso. Su sintaxis es CCur argumento. Este ejemplo devuelve Su sintaxis es CDate argumento. CDate Su sintaxis es CDbl argumento.
Su sintaxis es CDec argumento. CDec Su sintaxis es CInt argumento. CInt Los valores iguales o mayores a 0,5 se redondean hacia arriba, y los valores menores a 0,5 se redondean hacia abajo. Su sintaxis es CLng argumento. CLng Su sintaxis es CSng argumento. Su sintaxis es CStr argumento. Su sintaxis es CVar argumento.
Su sintaxis es Val argumento. Estas funciones prueban el valor para ver si se trata de un tipo especificado. Por ejemplo, el siguiente procedimiento comprueba si el contenido de la celda A2 es una fecha. Si lo es, devuelve Verdadero en la celda C2, en caso contrario devuelve Falso. Por ejemplo, el contenido de A3. Para restablecer una variable Variant como Empty, se le debe asignar la palabra clave Empty.
Este objeto contiene todas las funciones de Microsoft Excel que podemos llamar desde los procedimientos de VBA. Para solucionar esta pseudoaleatoriedad, se debe cambiar la semilla que se usa como base www.
Su sintaxis es Asc cadena. Su sintaxis es Chr cadena. Su sintaxis es Len cadena. Su tipo es Log. Su sintaxis es LTrim cadena. Su sintaxis es Trim cadena. Trim x Figura Las funciones LTrim, RTrim y Trim devuelven un tipo string que contiene la copia de una cadena determinada a la que se le han eliminado los espacios en blanco. Su sintaxis es UCase cadena. Su sintaxis es LCase cadena.
Cuando termina las operaciones, el ciclo del programa vuelve a la secuencia normal. Se obtiene del cociente entre la suma de los productos de cada dato por su peso y la suma de los pesos. Usamos If Vamos a realizar un procedimiento que le solicite al usuario que ingrese tres notas de los cursos que ha realizado un alumno.
Para estas situaciones, podemos emplear la estructura Select Case. Es decir, permitiendo tomar decisiones y realizar un proceso repetidas veces. Cuando una o ambas bifurcaciones de una sentencia If…Then We have a specific and particular responsibility to keep protecting all the European citizens in this process and to preserve the peace process in Northern Ireland.
We have also taken into account, of course, the UK Government red lines. Let me repeat this: this is the only withdrawal treaty that is possible and the only one that could command an approval in this House. First, we still trust the UK parliamentarians today to reject a no-deal Brexit.
That would be catastrophic for the UK. Second, we need a clear direction on how, concretely, to avoid the no deal scenario. We always said that a closer EU-UK relationship based on a customs union would not only benefit our economies, but would also solve many of the concerns associated with the backstop.
It is time to stop party politics and to work constructively in the interests of citizens and the country and if this is not possible, it is clear that the only alternative is to give the people the chance to change the government or to say no to Brexit.
This is the debate we need to have, not the debate on the length of the extension. This, for us is clear: the extension is a tool and all the options are on the table as long as there is a clear political reason and perspective. We will keep working constructively, openly and responsibly, including our UK citizens, who remain European citizens. So please, Mr Nicholson, do not let me down. You have one-and-a-half minutes.
James Nicholson ECR. I have listened this morning with a heavy heart to what I have heard in this Chamber. I have listened to nothing positive, in fact it will all be negative. People are stuck in trenches, and nothing constructive is coming forward.
Mr Timmermans said, so here we are, solutions must come from London. Do you not think, Mr Timmermans, that you and Mr Juncker have a part to play as well, that you have got to find a solution also? Ms Zimmer let the cat out of the bag: you will not annex Northern Ireland, Irish unity is not at stake here, even nationalist parties do not want a referendum on the border, they accept the Good Friday Agreement — put that all to bed.
And can I say something to you, Mr Barnier? You said that the responsibility lies solely with the UK. But what I say to you, sir, is that you also have a tremendous responsibility and it is not good enough for you to simply consult with people from Northern Ireland who tell you what you want to hear. There is another voice in Northern Ireland, and you should be listening to that as well.
We need to find another way, and we do need an extension on Article We need an extension to move forward and get a good deal: I personally and my party and the people that I represent, we want a good deal.
Can you say the same? I, like many of you, profoundly regret that the UK seems to have lost its way. Since , we have had our differences with the UK, sometimes influenced by history, by different perceptions and by fake news. As individual countries and a Union, through listening, consultation and protocols, our citizens were able to find a way forward, to work together and, despite what Mr Farage said, I believe that can still happen with the UK.
I also profoundly disagree with him when he speaks about snarling anger and bureaucratic intransigence. As always, he seeks to shift responsibility for a divided country onto the shoulders of others. I agree with Mr Michel Barnier. We have been — and we need to remain — patient, supportive and respectful, while remaining true to our principles and I thank him and his team for their loyal and dedicated work. Finally, I agree with Mr Gualtieri. An extension is just a tool to find a way forward and all options still need to be explored.
The concentration of wealth in London has got us into this mess and the concentration of power in Westminster is keeping us trapped in it now. Democracy is the way forward. We must give people a final say on their future now that we are seeing the real facts. Things have changed. When events change, people change their minds.
That is their right. Our clear will to remain in the EU has been ignored. The utter chaos in Westminster — not just last night, but throughout the entire Brexit process — has left communities in despair. This farce is Tory designed, but it is being delivered to the people of the north of Ireland, via partition, by the DUP.
That has been totally rejected — again by the reckless political establishment in Britain. That includes the legitimate, democratic pathway to Irish unity and, despite what Jim Nicholson said, it is a provision of the Good Friday Agreement.
The European Council said, in April , that if Ireland is reunited then the whole island will remain a part of the EU. I remind the Council and the Commission of that. The EU has said that we need to prepare for a no-deal, for a crash. Who in their right mind would sit on a train that is going over a cliff or being dangerously delayed or derailed?
So the people want to get off that train, and the only way off it is Irish unity. My appeal to the Council and the Commission is that you advocate the holding of a referendum on Irish unity.
It is legitimate, it is democratic, it is in the Good Friday Agreement. If you are going to uphold it in all of its parts, then uphold that part too. Janice Atkinson ENF. They lied. Ms May said no deal is better than a bad deal. She then asked the UK parliament to vote on a bad deal. Tonight she will ask parliament to vote again, but this time for a no deal Brexit. She will vote against no deal. They lied to you.
Steven Woolfe NI. He spent his life in public service, protecting children from abusers, paedophiles and violence. He was a great Welsh democrat. He voted to leave in June and he will die not seeing Brexit. He will die not seeing Brexit because of a political class that despise him and voters in Britain, a class who believe that they are far superior in the way that they think they should control our lives and do not wish to listen to the voters who wanted to get rid of them.
He will die because he will not get a Brexit before his death because of traitors like Tony Blair and Dominic Grieve who collude with foreign leaders to stop the democratic vote of the British. My uncle, I hope, will have God on his side and bless his soul, but for those of you who have denied him the right to Brexit and denied those Elmar Brok PPE. Da ist eine Koalition im House of Commons, die nicht in der Lage ist, zu einer gemeinsamen positiven Mehrheit zu kommen. Da sind die Remainer , die keinen Vertrag haben wollen, weil sie auf ein Referendum hoffen, und das hart spielen.
Es waren drei Labour-Leute, die mit Ja gestimmt haben. No extension without clarification. Hier muss es klar geregelt sein. Und es muss auch klar sein, was jetzt mit den offenen Grenzen kommt.
Je pense que nous ne devons pas faire durer un supplice qui dure depuis Il faut donc redonner la parole aux citoyens britanniques. Peter van Dalen ECR. Een verandering dus van 5 banen. Daardoor zal ongeveer 1 miljard pond het Verenigd Koninkrijk verlaten. Hierbij gaat het alleen om getallen die we kennen. Wat er buiten ons gezichtsveld gebeurt, weten we niet eens. Dit is een groot probleem voor het Verenigd Koninkrijk.
Ook aan deze zijde van het Kanaal gaan klappen vallen bij een brexit. Denk bijvoorbeeld aan de visserijsector of de transportwereld. Tegelijkertijd zien we dat in het parlement in Londen er voor geen enkele aanpak van de brexit ook maar enige meerderheid te vinden is.
Dat betekent dat het tijd is voor een nieuwe benadering, voor omdenken. Het Verenigd Koninkrijk moet in de Europese Unie blijven. We need a new deal, not a no deal. Make the UK an offer, it can't refuse. Solidarity can come in many forms, political, but also financial. Commissioner Timmermans, you talked about continuing preparation for a new deal, continuing the solid work already done.
So, what are the plans in place to financially help the Irish economy in the case of a no deal? I really would like an answer. Solidarity up until now has not cost the European Union a single cent. Also, while people talk about solidarity, we have a situation in which Ireland borrowed and burnt EUR 3.
As part of the financial help needed in the case of a no deal this obscenity must end. Mr Barnier, you said that we remain respectful and calm. You do indeed. People in Ireland cannot control the diplomatic disaster that is the Conservative Party.
However, when it comes to respect and calmness, I am glad that Tusk and Juncker are not here today: they have not remained calm and have at times put their own personal prejudice before diplomacy.
You must think of this with every word that is used. Remember that. Harald Vilimsky ENF. Wer gestern im britischen Unterhaus die Debatte mitverfolgen konnte und in erschreckender Art und Weise die Zerrissenheit der britischen Politik gesehen hat, der kann nur schockiert sein.
Entscheidungen sind zu respektieren. Haben wir dann ein drittes Referendum? Y, en este escenario de incertidumbre, hay una serie de lecciones que el Brexit va dejando y de las que debemos tomar nota. Decisiones como esta no se pueden tomar alegremente. We will have to drop catch-the-eye procedure because we are exceeding our time. So apologies, but that is the case.
Dit is een van die weken. De wanhoop, daar hebben bijna alle andere leden al heel veel over gesproken, over de stemming van gisteren, en wat dat ons nu brengt en waar dat ons naartoe moet brengen. Ik ben het eens met heel veel collega's, vooral uit mijn fractie, die menen dat het nu tijd is om het volk opnieuw aan het woord te laten, want het Britse parlement komt er niet uit.
Ik denk dat we terug naar het volk moeten om uit deze impasse te komen. Er was ook heel veel hoop deze week. Ik zal u zeggen waarom. Er waren 60 jonge mensen in dit Parlement die geprobeerd hebben een heel parlement aan te zetten om eindelijk het klimaatbeleid bovenaan de politieke agenda te zetten. Niet alleen om de veel te lage ambities van uit te voeren, maar vooral om die ambities hoger te leggen.
Om dat te realiseren is het ook belangrijk dat we op Europees niveau tot een klimaatwet komen waarin onze in Parijs gedane verbintenissen worden opgenomen en die voor alle lidstaten belangrijke verplichtingen met zich meebrengt, zodat er geen freeriders kunnen zijn.
De jongeren hebben gelijk dat ze dit soort acties van ons vragen. Dat was deze week absoluut een teken van hoop. Nicolas Bay ENF. Bref, nous sommes perdants sur tous les tableaux. They are indeed under serious risk, and that is very bad. If the result of the possible vote tomorrow is to request an extension, then what for and for how long? A short technical extension would only make sense with a positive meaningful vote, which is not the case anymore.
A longer extension would not only bring the legal and political problem into the context of the European elections, but it will also provide for a period when a future partnership cannot been negotiated. The withdrawal agreement will not be re—opened. A longer extension means a longer period of uncertainty. The Union has said many times how important an orderly withdrawal is on the basis of an agreement concluded under Article 50 of the Treaty.
This is indeed a precondition for creating the trust necessary for the negotiations of a deep and ambitious new relationship. We must repeat that today. Ampak to ni dovolj. Po glasovanju v britanskem parlamentu lahko tudi samo upamo, da ne bo trdega brexita. Poglejmo samo spodletelo migracijsko politiko. In na te moramo pokazati s prstom. The problem, in my opinion, is not the deal, but the political crisis that is taking place in London, which has actually been supported by the activity of many people who have already spoken here today and disappeared, as usual.
But let me talk about some other business at the summit. After the good times, the times to come may not be so good. This could be triggered by the trade war, by Brexit or by other events. The second important thing for me is China. Our representatives should be more assertive. They should more clearly articulate our legitimate interest and negotiate accordingly. Just yesterday we talked about cybersecurity and we should know what Chinese law on national security means.
Orientierungslos und ohne politische Steuerung droht die Britannia auf Grund zu laufen. Unser Handeln sollte sich vielmehr an einer Eigenschaft orientieren, die man zu Recht den Briten zuschreibt: Pragmatismus. Dieses Signal muss von London kommen.
Nach wie vor ist hier vieles im Unklaren. Hier geschieht viel zu wenig. Diese Menschen verdienen viel mehr Respekt. Julie Girling PPE. A reduced majority, but still the fourth most devastating defeat in history for a UK government.
Last night Theresa May set out three options. The first was to revoke Article 50 — possibly the first time those words have passed her lips in public. Secondly, she talked about holding a second referendum. The third option was to negotiate a new deal. I think, though, that the message has finally got through in Westminster that the third option is not possible in any sensible timeframe. It seems very likely that tonight the UK parliament will reject no deal.
They will not reject no Brexit. So let me assure colleagues here that there is a strong will in the UK for a second vote. Polls show a majority in favour of a second referendum. Seven out of nine speakers today represent only 1. They are spouting their usual rot and nonsense. They are not the patriots. Nobody calling themselves a patriot would advocate that kind of harm. No one laying claim to the title unionist would advocate a no-deal Brexit.
No one who wants to support the Good Friday Agreement would advocate a no-deal Brexit. They are not in the majority — actually they are all in the bar coalescing around a beer now. We are the voices of today, and young people support my position completely. But for a majority in the House of Commons that was not the main problem with her deal.
There were other problems and she made no attempts to address those issues. She only tried to appease the right wing of her party and she failed. So where does that leave us? A majority in the House of Commons does not want to leave without a deal, but the only deal on the table has been rejected. Where do you go from there?
Logically, there are only two possibilities: either you negotiate an alternative deal or you reconsider Brexit. The chances of an alternative deal look vanishingly small at the moment. Reconsidering Brexit needs a referendum and, as we just heard from Ms Girling, there is a majority in public opinion that wants another referendum and opinion polls show that, if there were another referendum, the British people would vote to remain in the European Union.
Othmar Karas PPE. They will go out of business. If they do, I think that we should immediately offer an extension — and not be putting conditions on it. We should offer it. Because we can do so for three months without interfering in any way with our elections.
As my colleague, Jim Nicholson, said, this will help them to find another way — and maybe that way will be to stay.
This has been the intention of the Commission from the start, this has been the way Michel Barnier has been negotiating from the start, and we feel strengthened in our approach by the debates here today. Has he done that? That would have been the honest thing to do, I suppose.
Have they done that? I think, frankly, if we want to come out of this situation, we would need a bit more modesty and honesty on all sides. I just referred to a report by the UK Government, published in November last year, where it said that a no—deal Brexit would cost approximately 9. Are you willing to pay that price? I ask the Brexiteers: are you willing to pay that price? Are you willing to sacrifice all those jobs for your pipe dream of so—called sovereignty?
What is that sovereignty going to bring to you if you live that pipe dream? And I know Ms Atkinson takes issue with me on occasion, but please listen with respect. You may disagree but I would urge you to listen and maybe learn. Then have the courage and go to Sunderland and talk to the workers in the Nissan plant. Have the courage to do that, sir. Have that courage. Do you know the number I never hear it mentioned. I always hear But Should those not be the next steps we take in this?
To be very clear: why does the Commission stand so firm for the integrity of the internal market? I give you one example. We could never do that. The withdrawal agreement is the best and only possible solution to that dilemma and I hope that this is something that will be well understood. This is a position the Commission defends on your behalf. The vast majority of this Parliament supports this and we will continue to do that: to protect the interests of European citizens, whether they live on the continent or in the United Kingdom.
I will inform the President of the European Council accordingly. It is clear that Brexit will be a pressing issue for leaders next week. Beyond dealing with these immediate concerns, it will be important also to address those strategic challenges that will define our common future in the years ahead.
The next rendezvous will be the informal summit in Seville, which will be a key moment to discuss and start shaping that long-term agenda.
La cumbre no debe olvidar otros dos retos urgentes. Las obligaciones asumidas por las plataformas de internet resultan insuficientes. E non sono tanto sicuro della prima". Toyota, Bmw e Nissan sono solo le ultime imprese, in ordine di tempo, ad aver minacciato in questi giorni di lasciare il Regno Unito in caso di Brexit e la May e il Parlamento britannico continuano a difendere la poltrona mentre il Titanic affonda.
Basta con la politica che si gioca nella camera dei comuni! E i politici britannici si occupino dei veri interessi del Regno Unito. Agevoliamo un'uscita di scena onorevole. But to fulfil the objective of the extension and end this impasse, the UK Government has to bring to the EU Heads of State and Government a clear vision of the form of the future relationship that is sought. This is currently lacking. The length of any extension should depend on this vision, and also on the extent to which the European block would want to negotiate.
The European side still needs to make its position more transparent. For instance, regarding the backstop for Northern Ireland, is it true that an approach modelled on the situation between West and East Germany in the past has been ignored?
If so, why? However, if the withdrawal agreement is indeed not negotiable, it would not make sense to allow the continuation of the negotiations for a much longer period going, say, beyond EU election day. The ongoing controversies within the British political system will not help. Using the possible extension to push for a second referendum could push the country towards more chaos.
On the other hand it would be disastrous if the extension serves merely to postpone a no-deal Brexit. Henna Virkkunen PPE , kirjallinen. Britanniassa on edelleen voimassa laki, jonka mukaisesti ero astuu voimaan kahden viikon kuluttua perjantaina Klaus Buchner, Rapporteur. New dictatorships in Africa and the Middle East are developing, and old ones like China are getting more and more oppressive.
Horrific cases involving journalists — like Jamal Khashoggi being dismembered and burned in a furnace by Saudi Arabia for defending freedom and democracy — are in the news.
These and other crimes have been made possible with European spyware in the wrong hands. We have decided, for moral and security reasons, that we, the European Union, cannot be part of this process. We strive to protect people all over the planet who wish to improve their society, who speak truth to power and who want to live in freedom and safety. We strive to protect our values.
The European Council disagrees with us and has refused to adopt a common position in order to start discussions on this. It was, especially, a last-minute change of heart by Mr Macron himself that stopped us: France, Sweden, Finland and other Member States believe that European companies should be accomplices to these crimes and make a little profit as well.
And now let us vote on this and other safeguards against a hard Brexit. Daniel Hannan ECR. The interesting thing is to ask why.
Why has it developed that way? No single ethnic group constituted a majority. The demography is a mixture of Tajiks, Hazara, Uzbeks and so on. It was created, if you like, artificially, as a buffer state and therefore its history has been a series of coups, dictatorships, invasions and revolutions. One of the most warm and profound and important developments of the last half century has been the multiplicity of new states in the world.
The world has gone from having around 80 sovereign countries when the European Union was formed to today, and this move towards smaller states has coincided with a move towards more democracy and more prosperity.
How sad to see this continent alone going in the opposite direction. Morten Messerschmidt ECR. Her taler man nemlig om den vigtige alliance til NATO. NATO, som er forsvarsalliancen, der binder Europa sammen med USA, og som er den alliance, der har skabt freden og fremgangen i hele den vestlige verden siden anden verdenskrig. Det er vejen frem! The UK Government worked hard behind the scenes to water down its ambition and should be ashamed of its role.
In particular, mandatory access requirements for buildings and physical infrastructure were excluded, including for transport and vehicles.
The implementation periods concerned are also far too long. For this reason I voted for the report. Monica Macovei ECR. This is the only way through which we can save thousands of human lives and stop human trafficking in Europe. The establishing of the Asylum and Migration Fund is just such a positive step towards the efficient management of migration by the EU.
I welcome the fact that, under the proposal, the Member States will fulfil their obligations to centralise and develop all aspects of the common European asylum system, develop legal migration channels, promote the integration of third country nationals, ensure effective and sustainable returns and give meaning to the notion of solidarity and fair sharing of responsibility.
However, this has to be done within defined limits and subject to the appropriate safeguards, hand—in—hand with the free movement of persons within the Union — a fundamental component of an area of freedom, security and justice.
In this context, I warmly welcome the proposed regulation for the establishment of the instrument for financial support for border management and visas. It is the right step towards real management and security of EU external borders. Urszula Krupa ECR. A me, invece, stanno a cuore gli interessi di tutti quei miliardi di persone che non inquinano, ma subiscono gli effetti dell'inquinamento atmosferico e dei cambiamenti climatici.
I nostri amici di San Marino sono sempre stati al centro della storia europea e il partenariato con l'Unione si basa, da sempre, su un complesso di valori politici e culturali comuni. I negoziati devono proseguire. Concluderemo prima della fine di questo mandato una dichiarazione politica congiunta raccomandando alla Commissione e al Servizio europeo per l'azione esterna di concludere i negoziati quanto prima e comunque entro i prossimi due anni.
Since last July, I have met my counterpart, US Trade Representative Robert Lighthizer, five times to review the implementation of the work programme identified in the joint statement. I conveyed to him that there is momentum in the Council to conclude, in the weeks ahead, the discussions on authorisation for both negotiations — one on elimination of tariffs on industrial products and the other one on conformity assessment.
I expressed our commitment fully to respect the implementation of the joint statement as it stands, and reiterated that future negotiations would not touch upon agriculture.
I am sure that this House is fully aware of the importance of the transatlantic trade relationship, which has been and will remain a central artery of the world economy. The carefully defined, narrow and meaningful agenda of the working group can be to our mutual advantage. Given the size of the EU-US trade relationship, elimination of tariffs, even though they are today already moderately low, will lead to important cost reductions for economic operators.
Many industrial sectors on both sides of the Atlantic operate with small profit margins due to the size and efficiency of our respective markets. A limited yet very meaningful agreement on industrial goods and tariffs would give transatlantic companies of all sizes a comparative advantage and would support their global capacity to compete. In a different strand, our work on conformity assessment, standards and regulatory issues could leverage the resulting economic benefits for a free-trade agreement for industrial products.
I am fully aware that some of you here fear we will be negotiating under threat. In that regard, I would like to assure you that I have conveyed a very clear message to our counterparts — as late as last week and also before that — that unilateral trade actions from the USA on EU imports would risk damaging our efforts to strengthen transatlantic relations at a critical time. Indeed, the negotiations would stop — that is clearly provided for in the draft negotiating directive — and we would also promptly adopt rebalancing measures.
I hope, of course, that wisdom will prevail, and that this will not happen, so we can continue to work towards a mutually beneficial outcome to build this relationship. So I sincerely hope that you will support our negotiations with the USA. Your support is, of course, very important. It would show unity among the EU institutions, and unity is our strength.
In contrast, and this is important, a vote by this House against these limited negotiations would be a vote against the well-balanced and proportionate approach of the July statement, which we deployed to reduce trade tensions. It would therefore be a vote in favour of maintaining current trade tensions with the USA at a time when ideas to bring down these tensions are on the table.
Especially regarding cars, as we have included that in our proposal, it is much better for the transatlantic relationship to bring car tariffs down to zero percent. Let me assure you that I will listen very carefully to this debate, to your ideas and recommendations, and I would reiterate that, once we have started negotiations, we will actively be informing this House on a regular basis on all aspects of our discussions, as we always do.
Was haben wir denn zu verlieren? Sollten diese Verhandlungen erfolglos verlaufen, war es zumindest ein konstruktiver Versuch, die Beziehungen auf neue Beine zu stellen.
Wo wird der Druck der Vereinigten Staaten abgebaut? Ich sehe da nichts. Nein, lassen Sie uns unsere Anforderungen selbstbewusst formulieren! They will not only help to de—escalate rising tensions but also, and more importantly, would bring substantial benefits to EU businesses and consumers. For instance, the elimination of high tariffs on manufactured goods, such as clothing and footwear, would open up opportunities for EU exporters and increase the international competitiveness of our industries.
In addition, our SMEs would benefit from the elimination of duplicate testing, inspection and certification requirements that would be possible with a conformity assessment agreement.
I would add, however, one crucial condition for these negotiations: they cannot be successfully concluded without the tariffs on steel and aluminium being removed. More clarity is also needed on the inclusion of the automotive sector, as it is key to ensuring World Trade Organisation compatibility, and on how the rules of origin will work.
The ECR Group hopes that this agreement can be the foundation to build on in years to come. But when we look at China, we see a country not respecting trade rules and sadly now, when we look at the United States, we also see an administration that has unjustly labelled the EU as a national security threat in order to justify steel and aluminium tariffs, while, of course, reminding us of our obligations under the NATO alliance.
It is therefore crucial to keep talking and to try to come to agreements. Somebody has to be the adult in the room. Instead, by supporting the Commission opening negotiations on the basis of a limited scope this is not the defrosting of TTIP, it is the consequence of the agreement between Juncker and Trump but spelling out very clear conditions on our part before closing them, we engage in the most meaningful way.
I would also like to remind colleagues that they should not use the agreements we make with third countries as the weapons to beat those countries with, while we in fact lack the foundations of a bilateral agreement or negotiations with countries that we do trade with — think about China.
Let us be clear about what is to gain here, but also be very very mindful of what we could lose. My group will support the European Commission, and I believe we have to be strong and united as Europe, especially when dealing with the confrontations of the Trump administration.
Das klingt wie ein Spruch aus einem schlechten Western. Sie wissen, was Trump vorhat. E certo! Lo sappiamo, fa troppa gola agli americani. Ma vede, non siamo noi a dover tendere la mano agli Stati Uniti. Prima di iniziare anche solo a negoziare, vogliamo che l'amministrazione USA sospenda i dazi su acciaio e alluminio e interrompa ogni azione ostile sulle nostre auto. Vogliamo fare un nuovo accordo? France Jamet, au nom du groupe ENF. Nevertheless, I remain convinced that the long-term fundamentals remain, and have to remain strong.
It is important today for the EU to take all necessary safeguard measures to protect the EU internal market, our workers and our industries. That means being firm and rapid in counteracting any new tariffs and measures taken by the US administration, but at the same time to do our utmost to appease the tensions and avoid a trade war, which could escalate and heavily impact on both sides.
We know well that there is no better way to avoid new tariffs than through dialogue and negotiations. I will conclude with one question, Madam Commissioner. If we say no to the talks with the United States, with whom will we say yes in the future? We champion common values and face common threats together.
As in any relationship, there have been highs and lows. Despite the occasional obstacle, the fundamental common interests of our relationship remain strong. Last year was clearly a low for our trade.
While responding firmly to the tariffs on steel and aluminium, the EU at the same time showed it is willing to cooperate to find solutions. Gili Air becomes home to more smooth and clear sunsets. Yet, the good sunset spots will never change. The right time to enjoy a sunset on Gili Air will vary.
Sunset drinks are always a big thing on the island. Any time between p. Now you know the perfect time for a sunset on Gili Air it's time to decide which spot will host you for this amazing spectacle. Gili Air is one of the three small islands north of Lombok. A beautiful island, with white sandy beaches But there are a few special spots on the island to enjoy the sunset with the comfort of a good meal, a cocktail and some smooth music.
And this is why we are here. To give you the best spots to go to during your stay on our mesmerizing island. One of our top places for mesmerizing sunsets is Gili Lumbung. Whether you are with a group of friends or solo traveler, Gili Lumbung is the perfect spot to make new friends from around the world. The upbeat energy and the cocktail specials makes a perfect combo to enjoy pre-sunset and post-sunset vibes with some good buddies.
Melt in one of their bean bags, listen to live music, sip on a drink and enjoy the ride to a beautiful sunset spectacle. The exquisite panoramic view of Bali will take your breath away whilst the sun will be setting behind Mount Agung.
If pink is your favourite colour then we definitely have the perfect place for you. For great food, amazing drinks or an Instagram worthy decor, visit Pink Coco. Appreciate a beautiful Gili Air sunset from their pool, or relax on their comfy outdoor lounge chairs.
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